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Fremantle Stuff > FHS > Fremantle Studies > 9 > Meath

Simon Meath

Meath, Simon 2017, 'Images of Life on The Rocks: Reconstructing the Meares camp 1829-1831', Fremantle Studies, 9: 30-47.

The Meares family briefly occupied a location just north of Peel town on the coast of Cockburn Sound Western Australia between 1829 and 1831. There are no images of the place, but the archaeology - gathered between 2012 and 2014 - paints as vivid a picture of life as any traditional method of recording from the time. In addition, the material remains provide a unique opportunity to access day to day activities and behaviours not traditionally preserved on canvas or cellulose.

Introduction

The research into Meares’ camp at The Rocks is unique - it is the first of its kind in Western Australia, examining how one 19th century British household adapted to life in the Swan River colony between 1829 and 1831. There was a need for an archaeological investigation to build on the work of previous studies of colonial settlements and in particular to fill a research void on the subject of British settler adaptation to unfamiliar environments. When combined with the incomplete historical record the Meares’ story can be powerfully evoked by the archaeology. Archaeology is the interpretation of past human activity through the study of material remains.

The research field can answer a variety of questions including Why some humans did better than others in a given environment at a given time, 1 or why some were more adapted (or fitted) than others for survival. The Meares’ attempts at adaptation to a challenging new environment left material traces. Shelter, cultivation of food and water well locations were influenced by local topography. The structures would have been positioned for maximum protection from the elements and possibly for defence. This discussion is broken into subheadings of associated themes to assist in describing the Meares’ adaptation attempts in the new environment using imported tools, materials and their historical culture, as well as the natural resources of their camp environs. These include the archaeological research focus on features such as excavation areas labelled MC1, MC2 and MC3, structural, lime kiln, landing place, wells, garden, food consumption (procurement, preparation, containers and service), clothing and personal items and layout of the camp.

History

The opportunity to become substantial landholders would have appealed to a middle class family such as the Meares with aspirations to be landed gentry. There was a paucity of land in Britain and land equated with ‘status, security, wealth and public influence’. 2 The Swan River scheme seemed well suited to the Meares, a large British family with four sons and four daughters. It was also an opportunity to escape the growing unrest and social upheavals in Britain caused by the Industrial Revolution.

The Meares departed England on 10th August 1829 aboard the Gilmore. Five months later on 14th December 1829 the ship dropped anchor in the dark blue waters of Gage Roads off the mouth of the Swan River. Laden with 166 passengers, assorted animals and goods it would remain at anchorage until 31st December when the ship was finally piloted southwards into Cockburn Sound. The Meares had applied on 9th June 1829 in their homeland of England for 1300 acres of land at Swan River at an annual rent of 2 pence (2d) per acre through Thomas Peel’s settlement scheme. 3 A condition of the scheme was that Peel’s settlers needed to arrive at Swan River by 1st November 1829, otherwise they would forfeit their priority grant. However, due to delays on the voyage the Gilmore (the first of three ships) arrived six weeks late. Consequently the Meares had to settle for a less favourable 15 acre grant on the shores of Cockburn Sound until better land could be obtained.

The Meares’ camp on their grant (Lot 13) was located adjacent to Peel’s larger Lot 14 to the south. The coastal limestone cliffs marked their western boundary. The Meares’ first dwelling, according to cartographic evidence, was a ‘tent’. 4 However, the written record from February 1830 notes that their dwelling was composed of cow boxes from the Gilmore. 5 A paced survey by Richard Meares on 14th October 1831, a sketch dated 17th July 1831 and a letter detailing the improvements made to the land attest to structures modelled on the layout of an English farm. The purpose of the letter and sketch were to show the Colonial Secretary that improvements had been made and that the Meares were entitled to the land even though it was not their original choice. Once the Meares had ferried their goods, livestock, and personnel safely ashore to the nearest beach at Peel town they would have then made the arduous journey of 1.6 km north across the rocky and sandy terrain to their land.

The group comprised Richard Meares, his wife Eleanor, eight children - four girls (Ellen [Eleanor], Georgiana, Vittoria, Margaretta, aged 12 to 17) and four boys (Seymore, Richard, George and William aged 4 to 11) - his brother Peyton, and eight servants. 6 The Meares girls were dressed in fashionable clothes from England. 7 Imagine them struggling over an uneven landscape scattered with limestone outcrops, sink-holes, and low- lying coastal shrubs and grasses while frequently avoiding brushing up against grass trees. The harsh summer conditions would have come as a shock compared to their former lives in Devon. 8 The first night ashore may have been spent camping under the stars, especially if there was a cool sea breeze to take advantage of. They would have quickly erected tents, lit a fire, and cooked a meal from provisions while making plans for the months ahead.

Archaeology

Archaeological excavations of The Rocks occurred between January and August 2012 and uncovered the exact location of structures and area use. In addition, an assemblage of 735 artefacts were collected that included shellfish, tea wares, alcohol and food bottles, English flint, buttons, heel plates and other personal items. Three excavation areas were selected as having the best potential to uncover 1829-1831 deposits. These three areas are hereafter referred to as MC1, MC2 and MC3. The first, a mound of limestone cobbles with red and yellow brick and sand; the second, a rectangular pit hewn into the east side of a limestone ridge and the third, a topographic flat area, or saddle, interspersed with loose limestone boulders between prominent limestone outcrops to the east of a more recently dismantled railway line embankment (See Fig. 1).

MCI

The primary content of this site is assessed as a pile of remnant Meares camp building material - well-rounded limestone cobbles, some with flat areas, low-fired clay bricks and large iron nails. The mound itself was probably not structural. There is evidence from the artefacts uncovered at

Figure 1: Meares’ Camp, The Rocks, Cockburn Sound

this site that a considerable amount of human labour Went into quarrying and preparing (sorting and shaping) the limestone cobbles and yet they appear to have been unused. There are disposal pits containing ash and other artefacts adjacent to the pile of stones. The remains of shellfish, alcohol and food bottle glass, nails and charcoal are some of the small finds which appear to originate from a hearth. These artefacts were effectively ‘capped’ by the collapse of pebble size (32 - 64 mm) limestone pieces from on top of the cobbles preserving their chronological integrity. From the historical record of the camp’s eventual abandonment one could deduce that the remaining unused construction material at MC1 most likely relates to the Meares’ rapid departure from The Rocks in 1831. Despite excavation results strongly suggesting that the site is not a structure it does, however, provide important results about the type of materials the Meares and others used. The limestone cobbles, low-fired bricks and large nails were all items intended for incorporation into a structure.

Figure 2: Limestone cobbles at MC1 - ranging poles are one- metre (horizontal) and one-metre (vertical)

MC2

The excavation of this area revealed a rectangular depression (pit) with right-angle edges hewn into the east side of a limestone ridge. The low- relief ridge is aligned roughly north-south. One pit wall roughly faces east and the other to the south. MC2 had been exposed to the elements relatively more than adjacent areas due to its higher topographic elevation and thereby increased exposure to the elements, particularly to wind, rain and sea spray. The archaeology strongly suggests the site is the stables and pigsty described in the historical record. However, not all features recorded at the site can be explained. The straight edged depression in the limestone would have required a considerable amount of time to produce, but its function is unclear. It could have served the purpose of protecting animals from the environment, but its small size (2 m by 2 m) counters this proposal. Alcohol bottles and clay smoking pipe fragments were found along the limestone outcrops of this area. The archaeology suggests the stable/piggery also included accommodation for one or two men; most likely Arthur Clapp and James Dolbier, who Meares refers to as ‘gardeners’. 9 It was located approximately 50 metres from the Meares’ house at MC3, discussed below. According to the archaeology of British sites from the period, animal accommodation was situated away (and down-wind where possible) from human habitation because of associated noxious odours). 10 This fits the pattern at The Rocks. In addition, the shelter of both humans and animals under the one roof was common for the labouring classes. 11

Figure 3: The pit’s north face (left) at MC2 forms its highest wall.

MC3

The archaeology of MC3 revealed extensive human sorted and shaped local stone, probably used for structures. The excavation area was located between prominent limestone outcrops within a topographical saddle relative to surrounding landforms. The ground sloped downward from east to West then rose sharply to what is now a railway formation. It was originally a small depression about 100 metres from the coastal cliffs which provided some modest protection from prevailing south-westerly weather. Strikingly an assemblage of c1829 - 1831 small finds such as those found at MC1 and MC2 were markedly absent from MC3, apart from a single French cognac bottle fragment found on the surface dating to Meares camp. The rest were modern artefacts.

The extensive area of limestone contained both pebble size (4 - 64 mm), semi-rounded and angular stones, with the appearance of being fashioned by human activity, and large boulders (no less than 300 mm diameter). The limestone was not mortared. In addition, a topographic sunken area within the relatively flat area or saddle down slope to the West, revealed highly compact earth beneath limestone boulders. This earth was at the same level across all excavated squares in this area. The area is close to the 40 by 12 feet house and 12 feet squared (a total of 480 square feet) stone kitchen described by Meares in 1831. The location of this compacted earth is possibly Where a ‘cow box’, according to Bayly (1830), was used as a dwelling by the Meares, or possibly a carpet was laid down. 12 This would partly explain why there were no small finds except the cognac bottle. Such artefacts could not fall through a cow box or carpet to be deposited in the archaeological record. Also interference from the coastal railway in the mid-twentieth century covered over or destroyed other material. Pilfering of the most visible artefacts such as glass and ceramic (as was witnessed by the author) would further explain the paucity of such finds. It would also be partly due to the removal of the significant bulk of the original inventory by the Meares during their subsequent relocation to Guildford in the Swan Valley. Their mode of transport would have been by boat which meant they could have taken more material with them than by horse and cart.

To summarize, it is clear that some planning went into choosing locations for the structures as shelters from weather. These three areas (MC1, MC2, MC3) were grouped 100 metres from the coastal cliffs in relatively flat ground and were conducive to modification for settlement, reliable water supply, care of livestock, land cultivation and human movement compared to the steep ridge to the east.

Figure 4: Raised limestone and sand at MC3 - ranging poles are two-metres (horizontal) and three-metres (vertical).

Structural

According to Bayly (1830), the Meares lived in one of two ‘passable houses’ in the area, the other was at Peel town 1.6 km south. What this description means in a physical sense is unknown. The house, however, is most likely a reflection of the inability to bring building material with them from Britain. No evidence existed of timber structures using locally sourced hard timbers although but it is unlikely material like this would have survived the harsh environmental conditions at this site.

The Meares could only bring a limited amount of structural items, such as nails and other fastenings to Cockburn Sound; approximately 200 in number. Fragments of about 30 low-fired, handmade English bricks with two distinct clay colours - red and yellow were excavated. The Meares’ bricks all originated from southern England, based on Varmin’s (1993) brick criteria. 13 There was no known source of yellow clay in the Swan River region making the only source for these bricks ship’s cargo or ballast. Some bricks appeared to have rope marks suggesting these were the result of movement in the ship’s hold. The only evidence for structural use of bricks at the site were two bricks butted at right angles and left in situ at MC2. These were on the same alignment (300°) as the right angled depression (pit) in the ridge. Charcoal remains with associated nails or screws were possibly part of a wooden structure with a canopy or tarpaulin.

The archaeological evidence indicates the Meares quarried the onsite limestone. They used the landform and topography to optimise their construction and maintenance of the shelter from the elements; for example, by the placement of the lime-kiln and piggery in the prevailing windward lee of a limestone ridge and the location of their home in a low trough behind a similar limestone ridge. There is an abundance of limestone in Cockburn Sound - it is the dominant bedrock. Despite their best efforts to select the optimum locations, the time-consuming process of clearing vegetation, trenching limestone from the areas for habitation and quarrying would have taken the Meares and their accompanying servants months of hard work. The limestone in the vicinity of Meares’ camp is partly geologically friable (crumbles readily) due to its weak cementation and can easily be worked into various shapes and sizes. However, many locations also consist of very hard limestone. The sorting process for suitable building stone would have had to take this into account.

Lime kiln

The archaeological remains of the Meares’ lime kiln were not found possibly due to the encroaching north-south railway cuttings and embankments. However, a possible product of the kiln, a manufactured stone (6425 gm), was recovered during excavations at MC1. It appears to be the result of a technique for creating a building stone by making an aggregate of sand and kiln-manufactured cement (also in the Meares’ kiln). In addition, a stone rendered with lime plaster (1.35 gm) was excavated from MC2, reminiscent of Roman Plaster ‘coccio pesto’ (ground terra cotta). 14 Like the larger stone it had a matrix comprised of local limestone - as a source of kiln cement - and locally mined surface sand. Upon examination of sand samples from MC3 all indications are the Meares made these artefacts locally for building purposes using local materials - both surface sands and kiln-produced cement.

Landing place

Leading west from the house site at MC3 to the sea cliff is a flat path, its destination most likely the landing area described in the historical record. Despite extensive surveys no artefacts were found in the area. No physical traces of the landing place exist either. Having said that, there are marks on limestone boulders at low-tide that could be human made.

Wells

The historical record indicates there were two wells dug by the Meares. A possible location of the first well was determined to be in a flat area between the coast and the house at site MC3. This correlates with its location in Meares’s sketch of 17”‘ July 1831. The second well was too difficult to locate due to the limestone outcropping, dense low-lying vegetation and north-south railway cuttings and embankments obscuring the remains. The use and placement of the Meares’ wells may have been indicative of struggles over resource use, keeping water for the domestic animals distinct from household sources. The first well was located between the house and landing area, the second within 10 metres of the lime-kiln up slope in a low-relief drainage plateau with its origin to the north-east.

Garden

The archaeological survey could reveal neither remnant vegetation nor elemental evidence after 180 years to indicate a garden. The only possible location was an area of relatively deep sand, a saddle, or depression of poorly drained soil within outcropping coastal limestone. This is supported by Richard Meares’ 1831 sketch of The Rocks showing the garden south of the house site (MC3). The soil on the edge of Cockburn Sound - as it is today - could hardly be considered suitable for agriculture or domestic gardening. It is mostly barren sand derived from coastal limestones, readily leached of any humic-based nutrients by repeated flushing of rainwater, especially during winter storms. In addition, the constant salt spray lashing the limestone cliffs would further degrade any productive capacity of the soil. All the Meares could possibly do was add as much nutrient and nitrogenous elements into the sandy base such as human and domestic animal waste and rotting vegetation. The garden was crucial to their survival efforts. The Meares family, like so many other settlers, 15 were reduced to subsistence farming.

The historical record contains several memoranda between Richard Meares and the Colonial Office (CC) suggesting the family were struggling with the infertile nature of the soil. 16 The Meares were keen on impressing the CO with their efforts, hence the positive tone of letters describing ‘improvements’ to the property. 17 However, the Meares would not risk their most valuable seed stocks at The Rocks. The seaside environment with its salt deposited from spray would have ‘burned’ (blighted) wheat if planted. According to the historical record, the Meares were saving such seed to plant on better land in Guildford. 18

During their ordeal at The Rocks the Meares had their sights set on the fertile alluvial soil along the Swan River within the major settlement centre of Guildford. That soil was a generous mixture of clay, silt and humic material deposited in the meandering Swan River flood plain; the foundation even now of a rich farming industry. 19 Richard Meares first asked the CO on 28th August 1830 if he could take possession of allotments of land at Guildford as an alternative to The Rocks. In addition to the individual allotments for his family members, he requested the adjacent, well-watered ‘School Meadows’, 40 acres (16 ha) in extent, in order to grow some wheat and vegetables. 20

Figure 5: Garden site as indicated by research

Faunal remains

A focus of the archaeological investigation was on the Meares’ diet, in particular evidence suggesting the incorporation of imported foods with native flora and fauna. The results from the excavations show few faunal remains. Although what was recorded was still significant. In addition, the evidence was of the food types not recorded in the historical record as being eaten. The faunal remains comprised a few bird bones recovered from MC2. These were identified as the closest match for a black cockatoo (Calyptorhynchus-latirostris). This is a species of parrot that would have been common to the Meares’ camp area in autumn and winter. 21 The historical record from nearby Peel town describes settlers with guns hunting and consuming birds. 22 The faunal remains excavated at The Rocks shows the Meares did likewise. The written record states the Meares owned dogs. 23 It is likely these animals scavenged discarded bones, removing them from the archaeological record. In addition, there were no identifiable remains of imported food stock. There were few identifiable faunal remains - either native fauna or imported food stocks - at Meares’ camp, and no pig remains despite the historical record stating that the camp had at least one pig. However, the archaeological excavations were not large and it is highly likely other refuse pits exist that were not found.

The Meares may have made forays inland to hunt for Wild game. The archaeological record shows members of the camp also accessed seafood. Despite no archaeological evidence of fishing - nets, lines, fishhooks etc. - the historical record indicates that the Meares had these items with them. 24 However, the fragments of cockle reveals the Meares collected seafood from the limestone cliffs, beach and the offshore reef near the camp. It is doubtful whether any of the Meares camp inhabitants risked swimming or diving for food in Cockburn Sound. Most likely they would have waded at low tide on the limited sandy beaches between the cliff faces to search for shellfish and, perhaps, fish. Shell remains were present in sufficient quantities to demonstrate that shellfish supplemented their diet and supplied a significant source of a high protein fresh food. Bivalvia (Crassatellidae eucrassatella donacina) and Gastropoda (Muricidae thais orbita aegrota) were the main shells represented in the camp archaeological assemblage. The species gathered are capable of surviving in fresh, brackish and marine water environments in both hot and cold climates. They require little effort to gather compared to terrestrial sources, are high in protein, and readily consumable in both raw and cooked states. The resources of the ocean were also exploited by other British settlers. 25

Food procurement

A square, blade-type gunflint found at the stable/piggery was used as part of the firing mechanism of a pistol which was probably intended as a defensive weapon since long-barrelled firearms were normally used for hunting. There is a reference of the Meares bringing ‘2 pistols’ and '8 guns' with them to Swan River. 26 Some uncertainty may have arisen as to whether or not the Meares would need to put aside their farming implements from time to time and take up arms in defence of their coastal home from the indigenous inhabitants - irrespective of the validity of this perceived threat as seen from a modern knowledge and perspective. 27

Food preparation

Archaeological evidence in the form of 1 kg of charcoal remains shows flora was used as fuel for fire and kindling. The corollary to this behaviour is that the Meares became familiar with the local flora. Fire was essential for warmth, cooking and light. The carbonized remains of zamia palms (Macrozamia riedlei) and xantbarrboea fronds were recovered from disposal pits at MC1. The zamia palm charcoal fragments displayed surface striations, or ‘slicken side’ like faces, which were possibly caused by the cutting action of an adze (a carpenter’s or cooper’s tool used to prepare timber). 28

A variety of flint pebbles or ‘nodules’ and splintered pieces, including small flakes, were recovered from MC2 but only in nodular form at MC1. Flint was used for lighting fires, the 19th century equivalent of modern matches. Silicious stone of this type is typically found in southern England not Western Australia.

Food containers

The archaeological evidence from the disposal pits at MC1 of glass bottles for condiments like mustard or preserved fruits or vegetables such as pickles, would have added flavour and possibly made unfamiliar foods more palatable. Although shellfish was eaten in Britain the Meares may not have been accustomed to eating them however they would have been easily combined with other food stuffs such as preserved meats. The tin canister fragments found in disposal pits which would have contained preserved salted meats possibly originating from Thomas Peel’s stores provides possible evidence of this at the camp. 29There is also possible re- use of the bottles for preserving any fruits or vegetables from the Meares garden.

Food service

Few ceramics associated with food consumption were found. Those recovered such as tea wares and earthenware plates, however, were significant. At MC2, the fragments (including the spout, filter, base and handle) of a late 18th century style Jackfield ware teapot were found within a scatter of artefacts with attributes suggesting a depositing date associated with the Meares occupation of the site. This find demonstrates the importance of maintaining their cultural practices. Imagine the screeching of black cockatoos interrupting the Meares afternoon tea ceremony conducted inside a tent with the sea breeze a welcome relief from the heat of the day. Eliza Shaw, who arrived on 19th February 1830 onboard the Egyptian and billeted at a Fremantle camp until moving to Upper Swan in 1831, described Western Australia as ‘a most thirsty country from the heat’, settlers drinking tea in pint and quart amounts. 30

Alcohol bottles

Fragments of black bottle glass (English) and French cognac bottle glass were found at MC1 and MC2. French bottles were a lighter colour compared to English bottles. 31 In addition, fragments of a light green square case gin bottle glass was found at MC2. The historical and archaeological record of British people indicates a culture of regular alcohol consumption. 32 These artefacts support typical British behaviour. Despite this, according to Gibbs (2010), 33 the presence of women and families encourages moderation of alcohol consumption in remote settings which could also apply to the demography of the Meares family and servant group.

Clothing and personal items

Three cupro-based buttons from a ‘Golden Age’ jacket, possibly from a military type uniform 34 and other clothing fasteners found at the stable/ piggery may have been associated with clothing repairs and modifications. Clothes were expensive and difficult to replace at Swan River. 35 The variation in sizes and weights of the buttons suggest they were part of a sewing kit assembled for contingencies. A cupro-based and a ferro-based button eyelet were also found possibly from women’s clothing. The Meares girls arrived in ‘the last fashion from England’. 36 It is likely they continued to wear them despite their isolated location on The Rocks in order to maintain their status as middle-class British subjects. The performance of fashion was a way to allow them to promote their self-image before others in an isolated colony. George Fletcher Moore said in 1832 that ‘they thought themselves somebodies’. 37 However, they would have had to be more mindful of conserving their finer clothes and try to maintain and use more functional or general garments for day-to-day activities. Imagine a crisp winter’s morning at the stable/piggery. Richard taking time to check his prized horses, buttoning up his military jacket to stave off the worst of the winter’s chills, the glint of his gilt buttons catching the gleam of the early light, the sun touching the peaks of the limestone ridge.

Hygiene and appearance in the harsh environment of Cockburn Sound would have taken its toll on the Meares ladies’ skin. A jar of hand or face cream was found on site. The Meares women in particular would have been very cognizant of maintaining their body image, particularly in such a challenging physical environment.

A ‘clog iron’ heel plate for a woman’s size wooden shoe was found at the stable/piggery (MC2). This item was adapted for use in rugged terrain, 38 therefore, perfectly suited for traversing the sharp and abrasive limestone outcrops of The Rocks, cushioning the impact on their feet. A ferro-based heel plate was also found at MC2 - heavily worn on one side, suggesting a man with a limp. What is clear about these shoe-components is that they had gone through a fair amount of wear and tear in the abrasive environment of sharp, karstified limestone outcrops. It is unclear from the presently assessed archaeological record whether the Meares had enough of such items. The Meares would soon have learned, as settlers like George Fletcher Moore did, that they needed plenty of shoes. The ones they brought out with them would wear out quickly and, like clothes, were expensive and difficult to replace. 39 Based on current conditions experienced at the sites during the excavations, one can easily imagine the kind of wear and tear on shoes that would have occurred at Meares’ camp.

A single coin was found at MC2 alongside cupro-based buttons suggesting it may have been left in a coat pocket. It is a five ‘Reis’ 1795 Portuguese coin minted on the island of Madeira. It is possible that this coin belonged to Richard Meares who fought in the Peninsular War (1807 - 1814).

Tobacco pipe fragments were found exclusively at MC2. The most complete artefact recovered was a bowl/stem fragment. The bowl displayed a ‘medium stripe’ or rib design and leaf or grain imagery in relief along the mould seam and at the rear of the bowl. 40 The pipe’s heel spur had the raised letters ‘H’ and ‘P’ on its left and right hand sides in serif style. 41 The pipe profile conformed to Atkinson and Oswald’s clay pipe typology for bowl and spur shapes between 1780 and 1820. 42 The other bowl fragments had similar designs of grain imagery along their mould seams or on the front and back of the bowls. 43 Similar pipes were found at Peel Town. 44 Pipe and tobacco smoking were popular at the time with all classes and served a social function as entertainment, leisure or enjoyed during work breaks. 45

The camp's layout

Despite challenges by July 1831 the Meares had created a home constructed along English lines. The Meares’ home was laid out like an English farm of that era 46 possibly similar to their home in Devon England. 47 There would have been constraints in attempting to transplant an English farming landscape onto the shores of Cockburn Sound. The narrow strip of land known as The Rocks, parallel to the western limiting coastal cliffs, was deemed the only available place to yield plants and freshwater in the area. Even so they had to rely on the ocean for supplementary food supplies. There was a logical connection of efficiently designed and arranged buildings clustered within 50 metres of each other. Having the kitchen detached - the remains for which were not found - as described by Meares, appears to resemble the farmhouse and cottage designs of the limestone belt of Devon from where the family originated. 48 Focused around the farmhouse were outhouses like the pigsty and stables, in this case, functions most likely combined into a single structure for the sake of economy. The small lime-kiln was nearby to the north-west, just over a small limestone ridge. 49 The servants’ accommodation or ‘Man Servant’s Quarters’ as Meares called it, were near the southern boundary. The Meares’ garden, between the main house and the servants’ house, was in a saddle of poorly drained soil within coastal limestone outcrops. There was also a landing place that possibly had a jetty on the cliff-edge. Richard Meares mentioned that it was used to land supplies from passing ships but it is questionable that ship owners would wish to land supplies on such a dangerous coast.

Last look at Life on The Rocks

Imagine the Union Jack billowing on a flag-staff as it catches a burst of wind; the servants filling their clay smoking pipes with shag and drawing the first precious puffs of the day; the first bucket of water drawn from the well, only metres from the cliffs, then lugged back over the outcrops to the house. Despite the awareness of other settlers not too far away in the colony the isolation and loneliness experienced by the Meares and their servants cannot be underestimated, especially without the close spiritual and social bonding of the parish church society left behind in England. They would have needed to turn to each other for strength and solace; the Meares women especially finding spiritual fulfillment with a shared love of music. On those cold winter nights of 1830 and 1831 we can imagine the Meares gathered around the domestic hearth, perhaps candles affording them a dismal light, one of the girls playing the piano forte and leading the family in singing hymns while the low rhythmic rumble and surge of waves against the cliff faces formed nature’s chorus. This was life on The Rocks.

Conclusion

The Meares’ settlement left behind a faint but significant archaeological imprint, partly due to cultural disturbance and the physically exposed nature of the research area over the intervening years. However, when combined with the fragmented historical record, the author has been able to access - in a unique way - the settlers’ behaviours, thereby painting a vivid picture of their lives on The Rocks.

Fremantle Studies Day, 2013

Notes

1 R Russell, Evolutionary History, Cambridge University Press, 2011, p 42.

2 P Statham, Dictionary of Western Australians 1829 - 1914, vol. 1, UWA Press, 1979, P 184.

3 James Stone and Company, ‘Thomas Peel and Captain Richard Goldsmith Meares - Articles of Agreement for Meares to take up 1300 acres of land in WA’, 711A/3, Battye Library, Perth, Western Australia, 1829d, Records, 1829-1918.

4 H Sutherland, Cockburn Sound, SRG Cons 3844, WAS 32, Item 156, 1830.

5 G Bayly, journal of voyages to various parts of the world, vol 1, Battye Library ACC 5106A/3, 1830.

6 R Meares and T Peel.

7 G Bayly, p 16.

8 J Avery, ‘Huish cottage: sale of furniture: to be sold by auction by Wm. Stribling on Monday, 22th June inst. [1829] and two following days, at Huish cottage, in the Parish of Instow, the property of Captain Meares’, Barnstaple UK, 1829. Photocopy in State Library of Western Australia.

9 RG Meares, Letter to Colonial Secretary, wanting to take possession of the School Meadows, State Records Office of Western Australia (hereafter SRQ), Cons 36, WAS 2941, Item 8:116-117, 1830.

10 S Tarlow, The Archaeology of  Improvement in Britain, 1 750-1850, Cambridge University Press, 2007, p 70.

11 J Symonds, ‘An imperial people? Highland Scots, emigration and the British colonial world’, in S Lawrence (ed), Archaeologies of the British: Exploration; of Identity in Great Britain and its colonies 1600-1945, Routledge, London, 2003, pp 138-155.

12 JE Deacon, ‘Captain Richard Goldsmith Meares and His Times’, Early Days, vol 3, no X, 1948, pp 5-11.

13 RVJ Varmin, ‘Bricks and nails: building materials as criteria for dating in Sydney and environs from 1788’, PhD thesis, University of Sydney, 1993.

14 Stucco ltaliano 2014 website: http://www.stuccoitalianoinc.com

15 B de Garis, "Settling on the sand: the colonisation of Western Australia’, European Impact on the Western Australian Environment 1 82 9-1 9 79, Octagon Lectures, UWA Press, 1979, pp 1-15; J M R Cameron, Ambition's Fire: the agricultural colonization of pre-convict Western Australia, UWA Press, 1981, p 103.

16 RG Meares, 1830.

17 RG Meares, Letter to Colonial Secretary, SRO Cons 5000, WAS 1856, Item SDUR M1-131, 1831.

18 RG Meares, 1830.

19 D Markey, More A Symbol Than A Success, Westbooks, Bayswater, 1976, pp 61-62.

20 RG Meares, 1830.

21 R Johnstone, Curator of Ornithology, interview with the author, Western Australian Museum, February 2013.

22 G Bayly, p 18.

23 R G Meares, Description of property imported on Gilmore, SRO Cons 36, WAS 2941, Item 111102, 1829.

24 ibid.

25 N Ogle, The Colony of Western Australia. A manual for emigrants, James Fraser. Regent Street London, 1839.

26 RG Meares, 1829.

27 CT Stannage, The People of Perth, Perth City Council, 1979, p 41.

28 RA Salaman, Dictionary of tools used in the woodworking and allied trades, c. 1 700-1970, New York, 1975, p 23.

29 J Morgan, SRQ Cons 36, WAS 2941, Item 8:12, 1830; and R G Meares, Regarding supply of Provisions from Peel, SRO Cons 36, WAS 2941, Item 10:26-28.

30 E Shaw, Letters 1829 to 1853, Mitchell Library B 164.

31 W van den Bossche, Antique Glass Bottles Their History and Evolution (1500- 1850), Antique Collector’s Club, England, 2001, pp 202-203.

32 O Jones et al, The Parks Canada Glass Glossary: for the descriptions of containers, tableware, flat glass, and closures, Historic Parks and Sites Branch, Environment Canada-Parks, Ottawa, 1989, p 22.

33 M Gibbs, The Shore Whalers of Western Australia: Historical Archaeology of a Maritime Frontier, vol 2, Sydney University Press, 2010.

34 GE Moore, The Millendon Memoirs: George Fletcher Moore’s Western Australian Diaries and Letters, 1830-1841, JMR Cameron (ed), Hesperian Press, 2006; J Lindbergh, ‘Buttoning Down Archaeology’, Australasian Historical Archaeology, vol17, 1999, pp 50-57.

35 GE Moore, p 134.

36 G Bayly, p 16.

37 GF Moore, p 6.

38 J Swann, The Costume Accessories Series: Shoes, BT. Batsford, USA, 1982.

39 GF Moore, p 134.

40 P Shiner, Inhaling a Society: An analysis of the clay smoking pipe assemblage of Peel town, 1829-1830, Western Australia’, BA thesis, University of Notre Dame Australia, 2010, pp 92 and 158.

41 P Shiner, pp 90 and 92.

42 D Atkinson and A Oswald, ‘London clay tobacco pipes’, Journal of the British Archaeological Association, vol. 32, pp 171-227; S Malios, ‘Back to the bowl: using English tobacco pipebowls to calculate mean site-occupation dates’, Historical Archaeology, no 9, vol 2, 2005, p 96.

43 P Shiner, pp 83 and 149.

44 ibid.

45 D Gojak and I Stuart, ‘The potential for the archaeological study of clay tobacco pipes from Australian Sites’, in Australasian Historical Archaeology, vol. 17 1999, pp 38-49.

46 MW Barley, The English Farm/muse and Cottage, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London, 1961.

47 J Avery

48 J Cary, ‘Devonshire’ map, in Cary's New and Correct English Atlas, 1809; and MW Barley, 1961, pp 262-263.

49 RG Meares, 1831.

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