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Freotopia > documents > G. F. Moore, as Philaleth
George Fletcher Moore wrote to the editor of The Perth Gazette and Western Australian Journal over the pseudonym of Philaleth (from the Greek φιλαλήθης, 'lover of truth')
This letter was published 27 July 1833.
Philaleth 2
To the Editor of The Perth Gazette. Sir,—In a former letter, having taken a brief and rapid view of the course of policy pursued by the British Nation with respect to the Aboriginal Inhabitants of several countries colonized by them, and of the consequences of that Policy; let us now turn our attention to those settlements with which we are more immediately connected. At King George’s Sound a uniform system of conciliation and kindness was adopted at the first, and steadily persevered in, so that a perfect confidence and cordial amity are established with the Natives of that District. One tribe at least, is domesticated and attached though not civilized; and likely to become useful as interpreters between us and the other tribes in case of desired communication, or serviceable as allies in case of unavoidable hostility.—Let us look now to that act in which we are all parties concerned; namely, the Settlement of Swan River,—and here though every praise is due to Governor Stirling for his prompt endeavours to guard the persons of the natives from wanton outrage, by a Proclamation nearly contemporaneous with the very foundation of the Colony; yet does it not strike us all with surprise that such a state of things should have come upon us unawares, that we should have plunged into such a situation without consideration—without forethought. How few of us deigned to bestow even a thought upon the existence of a people whom we were about to dispossess of their country. Which of us can say that he made a rational calculation of the rights of the owners of the soil, of the contemplated violation of those rights, of the probable consequences of that violation, or of our justification of such an act? If perchance at any moment the murmurings of our conscience made themselves heard, were not its faint whisperings strifled by the bustle of business, or drowned in the din of preparations? Did we not swim the stream in a state of high wrought excitement, from the novelty of our sensation and the rapidity of our course, without reflecting that this rapidity might be an indication of the vicinity of an awful cataract, towards which we were hurrying in a heedless and blind security? Did it never occur to us then, that in thus extending the dominion of Great Britain, in thus acquiring a territory for our country whilst seeking a fortune for ourselves, we were about to perpetrate a monstrous piece of injustice, that we were about to dispossess unceremoniously the rightful owners of the soil? Did it occur to us then, that in the battles we were about to fight, the war was to be carried on at our own cost? Did it occur to us then, that in exposing our own lives and property to hazard in thus virtually though not ostensibly conquering a country there were no thanks for our labour, there was no remuneration for our losses, there was no pay for our services, there was no pension for our wounds? It did not occur to us then, or sure am I if it had, we should have paused one and all, and instead of that general application— How much land will you give us? our preliminary cautious inquiry would have been. But what right have you to give the land? What consideration have you given for that right? How am I sure that I shall not be disturbed in my possession of the grants? But, No! the boon was a gift which we were eager to accept;—we looked not too scrupulously to the title of the donor;—we mounted this gift horse and rode proudly away, though at the hazard of being challenged by the real owner for the theft. But what is the scope of these observations? for what purpose do I dwell upon them? not surely for the purpose of making an idle clamour about that which has been done and cannot be undone?—Not surely to make a useless parade of our injustice? but solely with the object of impressing upon the minds of every individual among us, that we owe the Aboriginal Inhabitants of this country a debt which as honest conscientious men we are bound to discharge, and that, not by forbearance alone for petty thefts and trifling injuries, as far as our nature will permit; but by acts of substantial good—by advantages equivalent to those of which we have deprived them. And if a state of civilized society be superior to a state of savage barbarism, if a knowledge of the Blessings of the Gospel be better than the grossest darkest ignorance, then I say there are benefits which we have in our power to bestow, there are advantages which we are able to confer, that may make reparation for our injustice, may make amends for the injuries we have inflicted. As we are ever quick in finding out excuses for ourselves, here we are all ready to exclaim,—Why throw the burden of this upon the settlers.—We have already losses enough to bear, and difficulties enough to contend against.—It is the business of the Government.—Why do not the Government take the matter in hand?—The question is a reasonable one, I shall not undertake to answer it, save by reference to a strong hope formerly expressed, that the day is not far distant when such a measure may be effectually carried into execution. But if the Government should not see fit to do it, or until it shall have been done, I would say to each settler “Tua res agitur” your own cause is at hearing, your own interest is at stake, while you hesitate the opportunity is lost. The native stops not to discriminate between a measure of Government and a private act of an individual. His enmity may not affect the Government. His vengeance may fall upon you. To the Individual I should say—if your circumstances do not warrant a gratuity to the native, treat him at least with kindness and good humour,—if you can, make him useful to you and remunerate him accordingly. Instances are numerous in the colony of their voluntarily coming at stated periods to perform an appointed task for a stipulated reward. Act always towards him with justice and fairness, and at the same time, with a prudent discretion. What you promise, be careful to perform—never break faith with a savage.—To the Government I should not presume to suggest a course of conduct, but content myself with saying, that to domesticate and to attach them at least is not hopeless—it has been done at Sydney and at King George’s Sound;—but to civilize, nay even to Christianize them, this would indeed be a task worthy of an emanation of the British Government. And let not the epithets, ridiculous and visionary and impracticable be too hastily applied. It is not ridiculous, it is a matter for serious and grave consideration. It is not visionary, it is matter of actual observation and experience. It is not impracticable, for such a thing has actually been done.—To shew Sir, that this experiment has already been tried and crowned with complete success in a case apparently as hopeless, perhaps even more so, I shall on another occasion transscribe from an authentic source, which may not perhaps be familiar to some of your readers: an account of the settlement of the tribe of the Missisaguas in Upper Canada, meantime, I am, Sir, Yours, PHILALETH.
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